Tuesday, May 31, 2011

Reckoning with Pinochet - The Memory Question in Democratic Chile 1989 - 2006

My review of Reckoning with Pinochet, published in Upside Down World at http://upsidedownworld.org/main/chile-archives-34/3053-book-review-memory-and-justice-in-democratic-chile

“My father had breakfast every day with General Pinochet during four years...I cannot understand that General Pinochet could say today ‘I have no idea’,” stated Manuel Contreras Valdebenito in 1999, whose father was head of DINA, Chile’s intelligence services during Pinochet’s dictatorship. By then, a division in loyalty had started to occur between Pinochet and his secret police DINA (Dirección de Inteligencia Nacional).

During Pinochet’s brutal dictatorship, violence was implemented as a means of annihilating all socialist and Marxist support in the country. Death and disappearances, torture and exile were common occurrences. A vital factor aiding the regime’s tenacity was the population’s subsequent silence. Fear and terror had created a long, temporary absence of vociferous socialist support, and the definition of justice had been mangled and manipulated by the absence of a memory made public.

Two particular memory frameworks prevail through the book Reckoning with Pinochet – The Memory Question in Democratic Chile, 1989 – 2006 (Duke University Press, 2010)
, described by author Steve J. Stern as emblematic memory and loose memory – the social memory and the personal memory. Although they stand in contrast, it is by blending both concepts that the memory becomes national; the memory of Chile. Personal accounts of torture, disappearances, murder and exile sustain the social experience, which in turn creates a framework that is capable of combating the memory oblivion of the right.

Reckoning with Pinochet delves into the memory question and the process through which memory became an essential part of Chilean culture. Drawing on the obvious split of loyalties within Chilean society, Stern vividly portrays the memory of both sides, bringing to light a conclusion which, despite the obvious, has the tendency to remain cloistered in a realm of its own. Despite the propaganda of democracy, Pinochet’s rule was a brutal dictatorship which resorted to extremes to annihilate any evidence of socialist or communist support. Yet, due to the flaws inherent in the subsequent transition to democracy, there still remains a segment of the population which perceives Pinochet as a saviour, and therefore defines atrocities as a method of preserving Chile from ruin. While the socialists perceived the pre-1973 years as the prologue to adversity, supporters of Pinochet drew upon Allende’s presidential term as the disaster prior to deliverance. What the right eliminates from memory is obviously the reality of Pinochet’s brutal massacre of Chileans and other atrocities that render an individual split from his humanity.

In its essence, memory can be elusive – a series of certainties that differs according to the recollections of people. At a distance, the repression of the Pinochet dictatorship in Chile may be perceived solely as a fragment of the country’s history, not having been burdened with a legacy of death, torture, disappearances and exile. As the book draws on the memory of people, grassroots organisations, elites, truth commissions and judges, it becomes evident that the memory of Chile is strong enough to be sustained beyond its borders. With the rupture of silence, the atrocities committed during the dictatorship became translated into an experience of that particular era in Chilean history, documented both for Chile and for the rest of the world.

Throughout the years of transition, Pinochet argued in favour of memory oblivion, describing the concept as “mindful silence as a positive good.” Memory had created a conflict on both sides out of the quest for truth and justice. Patricio Aylwin’s Convivencia law was aimed at shattering the silence that shrouded the era of torture and oppression, thus giving an outlet to narrations of brutality. In the wake of evidence starting to seep out, the military and the Right had “adjusted to the documented factual truth of memory as rupture.” By displacing responsibility for the committed atrocities, Pinochet and the right wing had justified their detachment from the process, and even from culpability.

The memory transition at best seemed fragmented. Pinochet sought honour and amnesty. Aylwin was pressing for political stability and ethics, while victim survivors were clamouring for justice. The transition satisfied nobody, yet it was through this period that grassroots activists ascertained the legacy of terror would not be ignored. As testimonies started to emerge from the truth commission’s investigations, the memory oblivion encouraged by Pinochet was relegated to its own irrelevance within the context of the oppressed people’s quest for memory truth.

Stern also presents memory as an experience. Whilst the culture of oblivion shelters the middle class from the moral obligation of affirming state violence, thus clashing with the concept of human rights, the memory framework of the socialists is dependent upon exposing atrocities in order to reach a semblance of salvation. The rupture of silence was essential in order to create a framework that portrays the injustice inflicted on Chilean supporters of Salvador Allende, activists within the Unidad Popular and other people who had a socialist background to bring about a relative consciousness that sustains itself from within the confines of history. In due course, other media and creativity sources sprang up, conveying the social memory of the oppressed to the Chileans as a nation.

The memory quest for justice remained replete with obstacles from the past, as Pinochet’s legacy loomed over any shattered frontier. In a letter addressed to Chileans in 1998, Pinochet stresses that he never sought power and was trapped by a communist conspiracy. The actions of embedding past realities in the present was unacceptable to the right wing which, in its futile efforts to preserve the culture of oblivion, persevered in a wave of disassociation negation, fabricating a reality that diminished the essence of justice.

As the truth emerged, Allende was once again reaffirmed as the leader of marginalised people. A sentiment which had to be sheltered during Pinochet’s reign had once again manifested itself in the loyalty of the people. This was a memory totally independent of justice and its manipulations.

Pinochet was finally deemed unfit to stand trial due to dementia, a relic of another fallacy of justice. Responsibility was never legally acknowledged or declared through a trial. Findings state that the scale of torture during Pinochet’s dictatorship was massive and it was also a ‘policy of the state’. Thus, Chile’s memory remained an inconclusive metaphor, blemished by tragedy and the ambiguous process that was supposed to pave the way through democracy.



Ramona Wadi is a freelance writer living in Malta. Visit her blog at http://walzerscent.blogspot.com.

Sunday, May 29, 2011

My Spiritual Autobiography - The Dalai Lama

My Spiritual Autobiography
by His Holiness the Dalai Lama
Edited by Sofia Stril Rever

Rider Books, 2010
Review by Ramona Wadi

Interdependence and compassion are recurrent themes in the Dalai Lama's philosophy. From recollections of a humble upbringing, the fascinating account of how the next Dalai Lama is chosen, his becoming the spiritual leader of Tibetans and the political situation which led to his exile, the reflections are replete with serenity in the face of adversity.

My Spiritual Autobiography is an account which should be read by all humanity, as it transcends all the necessities which have been corrupted by legislation and mighty rulers through the years. Discard all the tedious declarations which promote human rights and enter into a realm which soothes the mind in its philosophy of power reversal.

Interdependence creates an obligation that goes beyond selfish, individual interests. This philosophy and its impact relegates power to a spectre of itself, portraying power as an illusion that clings to titles and violence to assert its influence in the world. In the wake of this revelation, the attributes of humanity are illuminated and a new identity emerges which does not remain isolated within the clutches of material gain.

Various reflections, such as the compatibility which should exist between religion and politics may sound controversial to a growing segment that is alienated with trivial pursuits. Religion should serve humanity without ignoring reality, creating and fulfilling a role which strives to overcome the world's problems.  

Even in exile, and amidst the war which ravaged Tibet, the Dalai Lama's philosophy remains void of anger or revenge. A 'battle of non-violence' is waged, invisible to the reigning powers resorting to wars and annihilation. Power and greed have manipulated nations into a cacophony of negative consequences, and the Dalai Lama promotes a higher level of conscience by advocating the virtues of patience and compassion. The simple answer to the freedom that humanity craves depends on all of us, without resorting to the atrocities committed in the name of politics and human rights. "We must cultivate a universal responsibility toward each other and extend it to the planet that we have to share."

Tuesday, May 24, 2011

The 4% Universe - Dark Matter, Dark Energy and the Race to Discover the Rest of Reality


The 4% Universe - Dark Matter, Dark Energy and the Race to Discover the Rest of Reality
by Richard Panek
Oneworld Publications, 2011

Review by Ramona Wadi

Panek presents a scientific account which is at once informative and accessible even to the reader whose interest does not lie in science. A narrative which asserts in the prologue, "It's 1610 all over again." entices to reader to appreciate science in its own evolution, in its philosophy and within the backdrop of history.

The quest undertaken by the scientists to determine the secret of dark matter unfolds at a fast pace. However, this is just a fragment of Panek's narration, as three quarters of the unknown universe consisted of a substance known as dark energy, which was responsible for the expansion of the universe, defying the laws of gravity. The universe is suddenly 'new' - with experiments revealing that what we know of the universe consists of only around 4%.

The 4% Universe deals with the subject from various aspects - the enormity of the unknown and the insistence to define it. In the wake of the discovery lies the unassailable knowledge that what cannot be articulated into factual recognition is ultimately greater than the fraction of the universe which we know and form part of. Whilst our consciousness seems to be only concerned with the immediate and the accessible, the immense reality beyond what we know of our realm leads one to ponder almost philosophically about how the prologue delves even further beyond.